were expressions of gratitude.
Dr. William C. Mohlenbrock, chairman of a health care data
analysis firm, Verras, gave occasionally to political candidates
over the years, mostly small amounts to Republicans. But last May he
contributed the maximum allowable gift, $35,800, to the Obama
Victory Fund, which benefits the president's campaign and the
Democratic Party. Later in the year, with help from a Democratic
consultant, he landed a meeting with a top White House aide involved
in the health care overhaul, but failed to persuade Medicare
officials to require more health data collection as part of the new
regulations.
Joe E. Kiani, who heads a medical device company, Masimo, stepped
up his giving to Democrats last year as medical device makers
campaigned unsuccessfully for the repeal of an excise tax imposed on
the industry. Mr. Kiani had several meetings with White House
officials last year, including two with lobbyists from his company
and another with representatives from his industry's trade
association. In the midst of these gatherings, he donated $35,800 to
the victory fund.
Administration officials insisted that donations do not factor
into White House visits, and they cited steps taken to curb the
influence of money in politics, including a ban on executive branch
employees' accepting gifts from lobbyists and on appointees'
lobbying the White House after they leave. Eric Schultz, a White
House spokesman, pointed out that Mr. Obama was the first president
to release the visitor logs regularly and added that "being a
supporter of the president does not secure you a visit to the White
House, nor does it preclude you from one."
"The people selected for this article are contributors to the
president," Mr. Schultz said, "but this article excludes the
thousands of people who visit the White House every week for
meetings and events who did not contribute to the president, many of
whom may not have even supported the president."
Most donors, including Dr. Mohlenbrock and Mr. Kiani, declined to
talk about their motivations for giving. But Patrick J. Kennedy,
former representative from Rhode Island, who donated $35,800 to an
Obama re-election fund last autumn while seeking administration
support for a nonprofit venture, said contributions were simply a
part of "how this business works."
"If you want to call it 'quid pro quo,' fine," he said. "At the
end of the day, I want to make sure I do my part."
Mr. Kennedy visited the White House several times to win support
for One Mind for Research, his initiative to help develop new
treatments for brain disorders. While his family name and
connections are clearly influential, he said, he knows White House
officials are busy. And as a former chairman of the Democratic
Congressional Campaign Committee, he said he was keenly aware of the
political realities they face.
"I know that they look at the reports," he said, referring to
records of campaign donations. "They're my friends anyway, but it
won't hurt when I ask them for a favor if they don't see me as a
slouch."
Others, like Ms. Bush, rejected the notion that their donations
were tied to access. Her husband said it was a coincidence that his
contribution last May -- made at a Democratic fund-raiser -- came on
the same day his wife was at the White House. And Ms. Bush noted
that most of her meetings occurred before she made her donation in
June. She added that as a longtime lawyer with the firm Skadden
Arps, it should not be surprising that her work would occasionally
take her to the White House.
"Communications law is what I do for a living," Ms. Bush said.
"Yes, I'm an Obama supporter, but in the end I'm a communications
law expert. I had the same clients in the Bush administration as
well as the Obama administration."
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News Column
Big Donors Bring Lobbyists to the White House
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Source: (C) 2012 International Herald Tribune.
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