America's sway is waning too even in regions where its influence
was traditionally huge. The U.S. cannot shape an Israeli/Palestinian
peace process; it watched from afar as the Arab Spring unfolded;
and, in the honest but infelicitous phrase of an Obama aide, "led
from behind" in Nato's Libya campaign. That approach may have made
eminent diplomatic and financial sense. But for proponents of US
exceptionalism and the country's global calling, it was thin gruel
indeed.
Nowhere, though, is the disillusion, and the sense that the old
ways no longer work, greater than Americans' views of their
political system. When times were good, the imperfections did not
matter: the federal government was traditionally a remote entity,
and the checks and balances contained in the constitution were
designed to keep it that way. But when times are bad, people look to
Washington for solutions. Today's dysfunction and paralysis raise
questions whether the two-party system in its present form is
workable at all.
Americans, by and large, are pragmatists and moderates. Yet they
look to Washington and see only polarisation and endless feuding
between two parties driven by their extremes. In the US system of
divided government, politics can work only by compromise, and
compromise flows from the middle ground. Yet in Washington, the
centre has mostly been destroyed. For the majority of incumbent
senators and congressmen, the main threat they face is not the
opposing party at the election, but a more radical rival in their
own party primary, where a minority of committed activists determine
the outcome.
The result is a Democratic Party dominated by its liberal wing,
and a Republican caucus that has grown ever more conservative. Each
is dug deep into ideological trenches. Americans generally favour
robust argument and divided government - but not this divided.
Checks and balances are all very well, but when one legislative body
(the Senate) requires a vote of 60 of its 100 members for the
slightest contentious legislation even to come to a vote, things,
they feel, have gone too far.
After last summer's debacle over an increase in the national debt
ceiling, dissatisfaction turned into disgust. A recent CBS/New York
Times poll showed an approval rating for Congress of just 6 percent
- to which the common reaction is, who on earth are the 6 percent?
But nothing seems to change. Last Tuesday, the House of
Representatives did manage to pass, by a majority of 396 votes to
six, a resolution reaffirming "In God We Trust" as the official
motto of the United States. But anything that matters rots. The
Republicans' theological aversion to higher taxes, even for the
superwealthy, last week blocked a bill that would have provided jobs
for hundreds of thousands, improving the country's ageing
infrastructure. Similar resistance also looks likely to prevent the
bipartisan congressional "super-committee" set up under the debt-
ceiling deal from agreeing a plan for $1.2 trillion of further cuts in the
deficit over the next decade by the appointed deadline of
Thanksgiving. The price of failure may be a further downgrade of U.S.
sovereign debt by the ratings agencies -- and yet more scorn for
politicians from ordinary citizens.
No wonder Americans cast around for new saviors. No wonder the
emergence of protest movements on both left and right, and no wonder
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Is the American Dream at an End?
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